Chapter 3 Kinship, Caste And Class

The Critical Edition Of The Mahabharata

Significant economic and political transformations occurred between c. 600 BCE and 600 CE, as discussed in the previous chapter. These changes also had a profound impact on society. For instance, the expansion of agriculture into forest areas altered the lives of communities living there. The emergence of craft specialisation led to the formation of distinct social groups. Unequal distribution of wealth intensified existing social differences.

To understand these societal changes, historians frequently analyse textual traditions. Some texts provide rules for social behaviour, while others describe or comment on various social situations and practices. Inscriptions also offer insights into the lives of some social groups. It is crucial to remember that each text or inscription reflects the perspective of specific social categories. Therefore, historians consider who created the text, for whom it was intended, the language used, and how it circulated.

By examining these texts carefully, historians can reconstruct the attitudes and practices that shaped early societies.

The Mahabharata, a vast epic containing over 100,000 verses in its current form, serves as an exceptionally rich source for understanding a wide range of social categories and situations in the subcontinent. Composed over approximately a thousand years (from c. 500 BCE onwards), some of its underlying stories might have existed even earlier. The epic's central narrative revolves around a conflict between two branches of cousins. It also includes sections that prescribe norms of behaviour for different social groups. The epic allows historians to explore how individuals conformed to these norms or deviated from them, and what such actions signify about the society of the time.

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A landmark academic undertaking began in 1919 under the guidance of the distinguished Sanskrit scholar, V.S. Sukthankar. This project aimed to create a critical edition of the Mahabharata. The process involved assembling Sanskrit manuscripts of the epic from across the Indian subcontinent, written in diverse regional scripts (Fig. 3.2). The scholars meticulously compared verses from these numerous manuscripts.

Their goal was to identify and publish the verses that were common to most versions, resulting in a massive publication spanning over 13,000 pages and taking 47 years to complete.

Two key observations emerged from this monumental effort:

• A significant core of common elements existed in the Sanskrit versions of the story across the subcontinent, from Kashmir and Nepal in the north to Kerala and Tamil Nadu in the south.
• Alongside this common core, there were substantial regional variations in how the text was transmitted over centuries. These differences were documented in footnotes and appendices, constituting more than half the total pages of the critical edition.

These variations highlight the dynamic nature of early social histories, shaped by interactions between dominant traditions (often Brahmanical) and local customs and beliefs. These interactions involved both conflict and elements of shared understanding.

Historically, understanding of these processes has largely stemmed from texts written in Sanskrit by and for Brahmanas. In the 19th and 20th centuries, early historians often accepted these texts literally, assuming they perfectly mirrored actual social practices. However, later scholarship, which began examining texts in other languages like Pali, Prakrit, and Tamil, revealed a more complex reality. While the norms in Sanskrit texts were generally influential, they were also sometimes challenged or even rejected by certain groups or in specific regions. This critical approach is essential when historians attempt to reconstruct social histories from ancient texts.

Kinship And Marriage: Many Rules And Varied Practices

Family and kinship structures are fundamental aspects of society. While seemingly natural, they vary greatly. Families differ in size, relationships between members, and shared activities. Family members often share resources, live, work, and participate in rituals together. Families are typically part of larger networks of relatives or kinfolk. These connections, although often based on presumed blood ties, are socially defined and can vary; for instance, societies differ on whether cousins are considered blood relations.

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Finding Out About Families

Historians can relatively easily find information about the families of elite groups in early societies through texts and inscriptions. However, reconstructing the family lives and relationships of ordinary people is much more challenging due to a lack of direct sources.

Studying the attitudes towards family and kinship in ancient texts provides valuable insights into people's beliefs and values. These ideas likely influenced individual actions and, conversely, actions may have led to changes in prevailing attitudes.

Sanskrit texts use specific terms for family and kin:

• kula: Designates families.
• jnati: Refers to the larger network of kinfolk.
• vamsha: Used for lineage.

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The Ideal Of Patriliny

Kinship relations are not static; they change over time. The Mahabharata's central story, a conflict between two sets of cousins (Kauravas and Pandavas) from the Kuru lineage (Map 1), illustrates a major shift in kinship structure. The feud over land and power culminates in a battle won by the Pandavas, after which patrilineal succession (tracing descent from father to son) was established or reinforced.

While patriliny likely existed before the epic, the Mahabharata's narrative reinforced its importance. Under this system, sons were entitled to inherit their father's resources, including the throne in royal families, upon his death. Most ruling dynasties from around the sixth century BCE onwards claimed to follow patrilineal succession.

However, there were practical variations:

• Sometimes a ruler had no sons.
• In some cases, brothers succeeded each other.
• Occasionally, other kinsmen claimed the throne.
• In rare instances, women, like Prabhavati Gupta (Chapter 2), wielded political power.

The emphasis on patriliny wasn't limited to rulers. Ritual texts like the Rigveda contain mantras that reflect this concern (Source 1).

Answer:

These ideas, emphasising the male line, were likely shared by wealthy and high-status groups, including Brahmanas.

The Mahabharata's core conflict, the feud between the Kauravas and Pandavas, explicitly demonstrates the importance of patrilineal succession for inheriting the kingdom of Hastinapura (Source 2).

Answer:

Patriliny: Tracing descent from father to son, grandson, and so on.

Matriliny: Tracing descent through the mother.

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Rules Of Marriage

Within the patrilineal framework, daughters were often viewed differently than sons; they typically had no claim to the household's resources. Marrying daughters into families outside their own kin group was considered preferable. This practice is called exogamy (meaning 'marrying outside').

For families of high social status, the lives of young women were often strictly managed to ensure they married at the appropriate time and to a suitable person from outside their lineage. This led to the idea of kanyadana (the gift of a daughter in marriage) being considered an important religious duty for fathers.

The growth of new towns (Chapter 2) brought together people from different backgrounds, potentially challenging existing beliefs and practices. In response, Brahmanas codified detailed norms for social behaviour in texts known as Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras (compiled from c. 500 BCE onwards). The Manusmriti, compiled between c. 200 BCE and 200 CE, is a key example.

Brahmana authors claimed universal validity for these norms, expecting everyone to follow them. However, actual social relations were likely more complex. The vastness and diversity of the subcontinent, coupled with communication challenges, meant that Brahmanical influence wasn't absolute.

Intriguingly, Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras recognised eight different forms of marriage. Four were deemed 'good' or acceptable, while the other four were condemned. It's possible that the condemned forms were practiced by communities that did not adhere strictly to Brahmanical norms.

Definitions of marriage types:

• Endogamy: Marriage within a specific unit (kin group, caste, locality).
• Exogamy: Marriage outside a specific unit.
• Polygyny: A man having multiple wives.
• Polyandry: A woman having multiple husbands.

Source 3 lists examples of the first, fourth, fifth, and sixth forms of marriage described in the Manusmriti:

Answer:

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The Gotra Of Women

From around 1000 BCE, Brahmanical practice included classifying people, particularly Brahmanas, into gotras. Each gotra was named after a specific Vedic seer, and individuals belonging to that gotra were considered descendants of that seer. Key rules associated with gotras were:

1. Women were expected to relinquish their father's gotra upon marriage and adopt their husband's gotra.
2. Marriage between individuals belonging to the same gotra was prohibited (a form of exogamy).

Historians examine names, particularly in ruling lineages, to see if these rules were followed. Inscriptions of the Satavahana rulers (c. 2nd century BCE - 2nd century CE) in western India and the Deccan are a valuable source for tracing family ties and marriages.

Examining the names of Satavahana rulers and the women they married reveals interesting patterns (Source 4).

Answer:

Satavahana rulers were often identified by metronymics (names derived from the mother), such as Gotami-puta ("son of Gotami"). Satavahana kings practiced polygyny. Analysis of the names of women married to Satavahana rulers shows that many retained their father's gotra-derived name (like Gotami, Vasithi) even after marriage, defying the Brahmanical rule of adopting the husband's gotra. Furthermore, some of these women belonged to the same gotra, indicating they married within their kin group (endogamy), contradicting the exogamy recommended by Brahmanical texts. This highlights an alternative practice prevalent in parts of south India, where endogamous marriages (like among cousins) helped maintain close-knit communities.

While variations in marriage practices likely existed elsewhere, detailed evidence for reconstruction is limited.

Metronymics: Names derived from that of the mother.

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Were Mothers Important?

The use of metronymics by Satavahana rulers, identifying them through their mother's name, might suggest that mothers held significant importance in their society. However, caution is needed before making definitive conclusions. Historical evidence for the Satavahanas indicates that succession to the throne was generally patrilineal, following the male line.

The Mahabharata also contains instances where mothers are depicted in influential roles, such as Gandhari advising her son Duryodhana (Source 5).

Answer:

Despite instances like this, the prevalence of patriliny suggests that while mothers held personal importance within the family unit (as reflected in metronymics or advisory roles), this did not typically translate into control over resources or formal political power.

Social Differences: Within And Beyond The Framework Of Caste

The concept of caste, a system of hierarchically ordered social categories, is a significant feature discussed in ancient Indian texts. The ideal structure was outlined in the Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras. According to these Brahmanical texts, this social order was divinely ordained, placing Brahmanas at the top, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras at the bottom. Groups considered "untouchable" were placed outside and below the Shudras. A person's position within this hierarchy was supposedly determined solely by birth.

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The Right Occupation

The Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras prescribed specific "ideal occupations" for each of the four varnas:

• Brahmanas: Study and teach the Vedas, perform sacrifices, get sacrifices performed for others, give and receive gifts.
• Kshatriyas: Engage in warfare, protect people, administer justice, study the Vedas, get sacrifices performed, and make gifts.
• Vaishyas: Study the Vedas, get sacrifices performed, make gifts, and additionally engage in agriculture, pastoralism, and trade.
• Shudras: Assigned only one role – serving the other three "higher" varnas.

Brahmanas employed several strategies to promote and enforce adherence to this varna order:

1. Claiming its divine origin, often citing texts like the Purusha sukta from the Rigveda (Source 6).
2. Advising kings to ensure that these norms were followed within their kingdoms.
3. Attempting to convince people that their status and occupation were determined by birth.

Since adherence was not always automatic, these prescriptions were frequently reinforced through stories found in epics like the Mahabharata and other texts. The Ekalavya story (Source 7) is an example of how narrative was used to convey messages about varna dharma and obedience.

Answer:

Answer:

Varna: A Sanskrit term referring to the four main hierarchical divisions of society (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra).

Dharma: Often translated as duty, righteousness, or cosmic order, including prescribed behaviour based on social position.

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Non-Kshatriya Kings

Despite the rule in Shastras that only Kshatriyas could be kings, historical evidence shows that this was not always the case. Several important ruling dynasties likely originated from different social backgrounds.

• The social origins of the Mauryas are debated; later Buddhist texts portray them as Kshatriyas, while Brahmanical texts suggest a "low" origin.
• The Shungas and Kanvas, who succeeded the Mauryas, were Brahmanas.
• Political power was often attained by those who could gather support and resources, regardless of their varna background.
• The Shakas, originating from Central Asia, were considered mlechchhas (barbarians or outsiders) by Brahmanas (Fig. 3.5 shows a Shaka ruler on a coin). Yet, the Shaka ruler Rudradaman commissioned one of the earliest Sanskrit inscriptions (about rebuilding Sudarshana lake, Chapter 2), indicating familiarity with Sanskritic traditions among powerful "outsiders."

The best-known Satavahana ruler, Gotami-puta Siri-Satakani, provides a complex example. He claimed to be a unique Brahmana (eka bamhana) and a destroyer of the pride of Kshatriyas, suggesting he challenged the notion of Kshatriya supremacy in kingship. He also claimed to prevent intermarriage among the four varnas, seemingly upholding the varna order. However, he entered into a marriage alliance with the kin of Rudradaman (a Shaka ruler considered a mlechchha), demonstrating that integration into the caste framework could be complex and deviate from strict Brahmanical rules. As discussed earlier, the Satavahanas also practiced endogamy, contrary to Brahmanical exogamy.

This shows that social reality was often more fluid and complicated than the rigid rules outlined in Brahmanical texts.

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Jatis And Social Mobility

To account for social complexities, Brahmanical texts also used the term jati. Like varna, jati was linked to birth, but unlike the fixed four varnas, there was no limit to the number of jatis. Brahmanical authorities often classified new groups they encountered, such as forest dwellers (like the nishadas), or occupational categories that didn't fit easily into the varna system (like goldsmiths, suvarnakara), as jatis.

Jatis often organised themselves into shrenis or guilds based on a shared occupation or profession.

Documenting the history of these jatis and guilds is rare, but inscriptions sometimes provide glimpses. A 5th-century CE stone inscription from Mandasor (Madhya Pradesh) details the history of a guild of silk weavers (Source 8). It records their migration from Lata (Gujarat) to Mandasor (Dashapura) with their families, drawn by the local king's reputation.

This inscription reveals complex social dynamics. While guild membership was based on craft (silk weaving), some members pursued other occupations. Crucially, it shows that their shared identity extended beyond work; the guild collectively invested its wealth to build a temple, demonstrating social cohesion and engagement beyond their profession.

Answer:

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Beyond The Four Varnas: Integration

Given the vast geographical and cultural diversity of the subcontinent, many communities existed whose social practices were not governed by Brahmanical norms. Sanskrit texts often described these groups in negative terms, portraying them as strange, uncivilised, or even animal-like.

• This often included forest dwellers who relied on hunting and gathering, like the nishadas (Ekalavya's community).
• Nomadic pastoralists, who were difficult to fit into the model of settled agricultural society, were also viewed with suspicion.
• Groups speaking non-Sanskritic languages were sometimes labelled as mlechchhas and seen as inferior.

Despite these portrayals and attempts at exclusion, interaction, and exchange of ideas and beliefs did occur between these groups and others. Stories in the Mahabharata, such as the union between Bhima and Hidimba (Source 9), reflect these interactions, sometimes portraying these 'outsider' groups (like rakshasas) with complex characteristics.

Answer:

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Beyond The Four Varnas: Subordination And Conflict

In addition to categorising groups outside the varna system, Brahmanas also created a category of people considered "untouchable," establishing a sharper social division. This was based on the concept of purity and pollution. Certain activities, particularly those related to ritual performance, were deemed sacred and "pure." Conversely, tasks involving handling corpses or dead animals were considered highly "polluting."

Those who performed these polluting tasks, designated as chandalas, were placed at the very bottom of the social hierarchy, even below the Shudras. People who considered themselves pure were expected to avoid contact with them. The touch, and sometimes even the sight, of a chandala was regarded as polluting by those claiming high social status.

The Manusmriti detailed the "duties" and prescribed living conditions for chandalas: they were to live outside the village, use discarded utensils, wear clothes of the deceased, and adorn themselves with iron ornaments. They were forbidden from moving around in villages and cities at night. Their responsibilities included disposing of the bodies of those without relatives and serving as executioners.

Accounts from foreign travellers corroborate these practices. The Chinese Buddhist monk Fa Xian (c. 5th century CE) noted that "untouchables" had to announce their presence by sounding a clapper when entering streets to allow others to avoid seeing them. Another Chinese pilgrim, Xuan Zang (c. 7th century), observed that executioners and scavengers were compelled to live outside the city limits.

Historians have examined non-Brahmanical texts, such as Jataka stories from the Buddhist tradition, to explore whether chandalas accepted the degraded status prescribed by the Shastras. Some depictions in these texts align with Brahmanical accounts, showing discrimination. However, occasionally, there are hints of different social realities, suggesting that the lives and experiences of chandalas were not always strictly confined to the prescribed norms.

The Matanga Jataka story (Source 10), where the Bodhisattva is depicted as a chandala, offers a perspective that challenges the notion of birth-based status and worthiness.

Answer:

Beyond Birth: Resources And Status

As seen in Chapter 2, various social groups like slaves, landless labourers, peasants, craftspersons, merchants, and kings played different economic roles. Their social standing was significantly influenced by their access to economic resources. This section examines how access to property and wealth shaped social differences, particularly along gender and varna lines.

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Gendered Access To Property

The Mahabharata episode of the dice game, where Yudhisthira gambles away his possessions, including his wife Draupadi (Source 11), raises critical questions about ownership and control over people and property.

Answer:

Legal texts like the Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras, particularly the Manusmriti, also address property ownership. According to Manusmriti, the paternal estate was to be divided among sons equally after the parents' death, with the eldest son receiving a special share. Daughters, however, generally had no claim to this inherited property.

Despite this, women were allowed to keep gifts received at the time of their marriage, which was considered their stridhana (a woman's wealth). This stridhana could be inherited by her children, and her husband typically had no claim on it. However, the Manusmriti also cautioned women against accumulating family property or even their own valuables without the husband's permission.

While elite women like the Vakataka queen Prabhavati Gupta (Chapter 2) had access to resources, overall evidence suggests that control over significant economic assets like land, cattle, and money was primarily held by men. This unequal access to resources was a major factor contributing to social differences between men and women (Source 12 compares how men and women could acquire wealth).

Answer:

Stridhana: Literally "a woman's wealth"; refers to the gifts received by a woman at the time of her marriage.

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Varna And Access To Property

According to Brahmanical texts, varna was another factor regulating access to wealth, based on the prescribed occupations for each group. The Shudras were assigned servitude, while the upper three varnas had occupations that could lead to wealth accumulation (Vaishyas specifically mentioned for agriculture, pastoralism, trade; Kshatriyas for conquest, administering resources; Brahmanas for receiving gifts).

If these rules were strictly followed, Brahmanas and Kshatriyas would ideally be the wealthiest. Historical descriptions in other texts often portray kings (Kshatriyas) as wealthy and priests (Brahmanas) as generally rich, although there are occasional accounts of poor Brahmanas.

Simultaneously, other traditions developed critiques of the varna system and its link to wealth and status. Early Buddhism (from c. 6th century BCE) was a key example. Buddhists acknowledged existing social differences but rejected the idea that these were natural, fixed by birth, or that status claims based on birth were valid. They often emphasised moral conduct and wisdom over birth or wealth as the basis of true worth.

The dialogue between King Avantiputta and the Buddha's disciple Kachchana (Source 13) illustrates the Buddhist perspective, arguing that wealth, regardless of varna, could dictate social interactions and access to services, suggesting that economic status could, in reality, transcend birth-based varna hierarchy.

Answer:

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An Alternative Social Scenario: Sharing Wealth

Beyond the models where status is tied to birth or wealth, there were also societies where generosity and sharing of resources were highly valued. Ancient Tamilakam (parts of southern India ~2000 years ago, with chiefdoms) provides an example. Sangam texts, like poems from the Puranaruru anthology (Source 14), depict chiefs as patrons of bards and poets. These texts suggest that while social differences between rich and poor existed, those controlling wealth and resources were expected to share them, particularly with poets and others who praised them.

Answer:

The poem suggests that a chief's generosity, even if it requires actively seeking resources through means like warfare, was crucial for maintaining status and patronage relations. This contrasts with purely hierarchical systems based on birth or static wealth accumulation.

In Fig 3.7, the sculptor depicts the difference between the chief and his follower through details such as:

• Attire and Ornamentation: The chief is likely shown with more elaborate clothing, headwear, and jewellery compared to the simpler attire of the follower.
• Stature and Pose: The chief might be depicted as larger, more central, or in a posture that conveys authority or importance, while the follower is smaller or positioned deferentially.
• Attributes or Symbols: The chief might be shown with symbols of power or status (e.g., weapons, attendants, seating), while the follower lacks these.

Explaining Social Differences: A Social Contract

Buddhism offered an alternative explanation for the origin of social inequalities and the need for governing institutions, contrasting with the Brahmanical idea of divine creation (like the Purusha sukta). A myth found in the Sutta Pitaka, a Buddhist text, describes an initial idyllic state of humanity where beings were not fully formed and took only what they needed from nature for survival. This was a state of peace and harmony.

However, this state gradually deteriorated due to increasing human traits like greed, vindictiveness, and deceit. As conflict and disorder arose, people realised the need for a regulator. They collectively decided to select an individual who would enforce order, punish wrongdoing, and banish those who deserved it. In return for these services, the people agreed to give him a portion of their produce (specifically rice).

This chosen leader was called the mahasammata, meaning "the great elect." This myth presents kingship as an institution based on a human choice or agreement (a social contract), with taxes seen as payment for the king's services in maintaining order. This perspective highlights the role of human agency in creating and shaping social and economic relations, in contrast to the idea of a fixed, divinely created order. An important implication of this Buddhist theory is that if humans created the system, they could potentially change it in the future.

Handling Texts: Historians And The Mahabharata

Analysing ancient texts like the Mahabharata requires historians to consider multiple factors to understand their historical significance. These factors include:

• Language: Whether the text is in Prakrit, Pali, or Tamil (languages likely used by common people) or Sanskrit (primarily for priests and elites).
• Type of Text: Identifying if it consists of ritualistic mantras chanted by specialists, stories meant for a wider audience, or prescriptive norms.
• Authorship and Audience: Trying to determine who composed the text, their perspectives, and for whom it was intended, as authors often shape content to suit their audience's interests. (Fig 3.9 shows Ganesha traditionally depicted as the scribe taking dictation).
• Date and Place of Composition: Ascertaining the approximate time period and geographical location where the text was created or compiled.

Only after these critical assessments can historians interpret the content and draw conclusions about its historical value. This process is particularly complex for a multilayered and evolving text like the Mahabharata.

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Language And Content

The version of the Mahabharata typically studied is in Sanskrit, although regional language versions exist. The Sanskrit of the Mahabharata is simpler than that of the Vedas or the royal prashastis (Chapter 2), suggesting it was intended for and understood by a broader audience.

Historians broadly categorise the Mahabharata's content into two types:

• Narrative: Sections containing stories (e.g., the main plot of the Kaurava-Pandava conflict).
• Didactic: Sections offering prescriptions and instructions on social norms, dharma, governance, etc. (e.g., the Bhagavad Gita) (Fig 3.8).

This division isn't rigid, as stories can contain social messages, and didactic sections might include illustrative tales. However, the general consensus is that the core of the Mahabharata was a dramatic story, with the didactic elements likely added later over centuries of its development. The text itself is referred to as an itihasa in early Sanskrit tradition, meaning "thus it was," often translated as "history." The question of whether the epic war was a real historical event remains debated; some historians believe it preserves the memory of an actual conflict among kinfolk, while others find insufficient corroborating evidence outside the epic itself.

Didactic: Intended to instruct or teach, especially moral lessons.

Itihasa: Literally "thus it was"; a traditional term used for epics and historical accounts in ancient India.

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Author(S) And Dates

Determining the single author of the Mahabharata is difficult due to its long period of composition. The original story was likely composed orally by sutas, charioteer-bards who accompanied Kshatriya warriors, reciting poems celebrating their deeds. From around the 5th century BCE, Brahmanas began taking over and writing down the oral traditions. This coincided with the transformation of chiefdoms like the Kurus and Panchalas into kingdoms. The new rulers may have desired a more systematic recording of their history (itihasa). It's also possible that the social and political changes accompanying the rise of these states, including shifts in social values, are reflected in certain parts of the epic.

Another phase of composition occurred between c. 200 BCE and 200 CE, marked by the growing prominence of Vishnu worship and the identification of Krishna (a central figure) with Vishnu. Between c. 200 and 400 CE, substantial didactic sections, similar in content to the Manusmriti, were added. These additions caused the epic to expand from perhaps less than 10,000 verses to around 100,000. The epic's final, massive form is traditionally credited to the sage Vyasa.

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The Search For Convergence

Historians seek to verify information from texts like the Mahabharata by comparing it with archaeological evidence. The epic contains descriptions of settlements, palaces, and battles. In 1951-52, archaeologist B.B. Lal excavated at Hastinapura (Meerut, Uttar Pradesh), a village with the same name as the Kuru capital in the epic. Its location in the Upper Ganga doab, the region associated with the Kuru kingdom, suggested it could be the same site.

Lal found evidence of five occupational levels. The second phase (c. 12th-7th centuries BCE) showed structures with mud or mud-brick walls, possibly with reed walls plastered with mud. The third phase (c. 6th-3rd centuries BCE) revealed houses of mud and burnt brick, with drainage systems (soakage jars, brick drains) and terracotta ring-wells (for wells or drainage) (Fig. 3.10 shows an excavated wall).

The description of Hastinapura in the Adi Parvan (Source 15) depicts a grand city with numerous mansions, gateways, arches, and turrets.

Answer:

This mismatch leads to the question of whether the city's description was added much later when urban centres in the region were more developed, or if it was a highly exaggerated depiction that cannot be taken literally.

Another challenging episode is the marriage of Draupadi to the five Pandavas, an instance of polyandry (Source 16). This is central to the narrative, and the text offers multiple explanations for it:

Answer:

Historians interpret the inclusion of polyandry as potentially reflecting its practice among ruling elites at some point. The multiple justifications suggest that polyandry became increasingly less favoured by the Brahmanas who shaped the epic over centuries, leading them to offer various explanations to make it acceptable within the narrative. Some scholars link historical instances of polyandry to specific regions (like the Himalayas) or crisis situations (like a shortage of women). However, it's important to remember that creative literature serves narrative purposes and may not always be a literal depiction of social realities.

A Dynamic Text

The evolution of the Mahabharata did not conclude with its Sanskrit version. Over centuries, the epic continued to grow and transform through retellings in various regional languages across the subcontinent. This was a dynamic process involving interaction between different peoples, communities, and those who adapted the text. Local stories and traditions sometimes found their way into the epic, while the central narrative was retold and reinterpreted in diverse ways.

Episodes from the Mahabharata were frequently depicted in visual arts like sculpture and painting. The epic also became a rich source of themes for performing arts, including plays, dance forms, and various storytelling traditions.

Modern writers also engage with the epic, often reinterpreting its stories from new perspectives. Mahashweta Devi, a contemporary Bengali writer, provides an example in her short story "Kunti O Nishadi." She takes an episode from the original Mahabharata (the burning of the house of lac where a nishada woman and her sons were killed) and explores its consequences from a different viewpoint, highlighting issues of accountability and the unseen impacts of the actions of the epic's main characters on marginalised groups. Her story serves as a powerful commentary, revealing aspects that the original Sanskrit text left unaddressed.